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Avdi: This is the Cash Flush,
a programmer's audio scrapbook.

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This is episode 11, recorded
Sunday, April 30th, 2023.

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Today I have some selections from
chapter two of the Closed World

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Computers and the Politics of Discourse
in Cold War America by Paul N.

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Edwards.

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For two decades, from the early 1940s
until the early 1960s, the armed

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forces of the United States were
the single most important driver

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of digital computer development.

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Though most of the research work
would take place at universities

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and in commercial firms, military
research organizations such as

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the Office of Naval Research, the
communications security group, and the

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air comptroller's office paid for it.

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Military users became the
proving ground for initial

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concepts and prototype machines.

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As the commercial computer industry
began to take shape, the armed

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forces and the defense industry
served as the major marketplace.

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Most historical accounts recognize
the financial importance of this

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backing in early work on computers.

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But few to date have grasped the deeper
significance of this military involvement.

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I will argue that military support for
computer research was rarely benign

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or disinterested as many historians
taking at face value, the public

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postures of funding agencies and the
reports of project leaders have assumed.

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Instead, practical military objectives,
guided technological development down

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particular channels increased its
speed and helped shape the structure

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of the emerging computer industry.

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I will also argue, however, that the
social relations between military

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agencies and civilian researchers
were by no means one-sided.

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More often than not, it was
civilians, not military planners

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who pushed the application of
computers to military problems.

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Together in the context of the Cold
War, they enrolled computers as

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supports for a far-reaching discourse
of centralized command and control as

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an enabling infrastructural technology
for the closed world political vision.

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Contracts with universities varied,
but under most of them, the university

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provided laboratory space management
and some of the scientific personnel

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for large multidisciplinary efforts.

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The radio research laboratory
at Harvard employed 600 people,

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more of them from California
institutions than from Harvard itself.

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MIT's Radiation laboratory, the largest
of the university research programs.

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Ultimately employed about 4,000 people
from 69 different academic institutions.

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Academic scientists went to work
for industrial and military research

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groups, industrial scientists,
assisted universities,    the

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military's weapons and logistics
experts and liaison officers were

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frequent visitors to every laboratory.

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The war effort thus brought about the
most radical disciplinary, mixing,

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administrative centralization, and social
reorganization of science and engineering

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ever attempted in the United States.

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It would be almost impossible to
overstate the long-term effects

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of this enormous undertaking on
American science and engineering.

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The vast interdisciplinary
effort,  profoundly restructured

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scientific research communities.

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It solidified the trend to science-based
industry already entrenched in the

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inter-war years, but it added the
new ingredient of massive government

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funding and military direction.

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M I t, for example, emerged from the
war with a staff twice as large as

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it had before the war, a budget in
current dollars, four times as large,

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and a research budget 10 times as
large, 85% from the military services

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and their nuclear weaponeer, the AEC.

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Eisenhower famously named this new
form the military industrial complex.

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The nexus of institutions is better
captured by the concept of the iron

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triangle of self-perpetuating academic,
industrial, and military collaboration.

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Almost as important as the institutional
restructuring was the creation of an

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unprecedented experience of community
among scientists and engineers.

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Boundaries between scientific and
engineering disciplines were routinely

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transgressed in the wartime labs,
and scientists found the chance

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to apply their abilities to create
useful devices profoundly exciting.

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Connections formed during the war
became the basis, as we will see

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over and over again for enduring
relationships between individuals,

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institutions, and intellectual areas.

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With the war's end, some corporate funding
became available for computer research.

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A few of the wartime computer pioneers
such as ENIAC engineers, Mauchly and

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Eckert, raised commercial banners.

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The company they formed developed the
BINAC, the first American stored program,

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electronic computer, and then the univac,
the first American commercial computer.

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But military agencies continued
in one way or another to

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provide the majority of support.

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How much military money went to
post-war computer development?

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Because budgets did not yet contain
categories for computing, an exact

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accounting is nearly impossible.

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Kenneth Flamm has nevertheless
managed to calculate rough

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comparative figures for the scale
of corporate and military support.

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Flamm estimates that in 1950, the
federal government provided between

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15 and 20 million current per year,
while industry contributed less than

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5 million, 20 to 25% of the total.

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The vast bulk of federal research funds
at that time came from military agencies.

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In the early 1950s, the company
funded share of r and d began to

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rise to about 15 million by 1954.

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But between 1949 and 1959, the major
corporations developing computer

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equipment, ibm General Electric, bell
Telephone, Sperry Rand, Raytheon, and

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RCA still received an average of 59%
of their funding from the government.

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Again, primarily from military sources.

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The first commercial production computer,
Remington Rand's UNIVAC I embodied the

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knowledge Eckart and Mauchly had gained
from working on the military funded

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ENIAC and later on their BINAC,  which
had been built as a guidance computer

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for Northrop Aircraft's Snark Missile.

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Though much of the funding for Eckart and
Mauchley's project was channeled through

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the census department, which purchased
the first UNIVAC one, the funds were

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transferred to census from the Army.

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Flam also concludes that even when
R&D support came primarily from

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company sources, it was often the
expectation of military procurements

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that provided the incentive to invest.

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For instance, IBM's first production
computer, the 7 0 1, also known as

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the Defense Calculator, first sold in
1953, was developed at IBM's expense,

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but only with letters of intent in hand
from 18 Department of Defense customers.

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Despite the extraordinary vitality
of commercial r and d after the early

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1960s, the Pentagon continued to dominate
research funding in certain areas.

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For example, almost half of the
cost of semiconductor R&D between

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the late 1950s and the early 1970s
was paid by military sources.

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Another instance was the nurturance
of artificial intelligence by the

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Advanced Research Projects Agency
arpa, later called darpa, the Defense

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Advanced Research Projects Agency,
which extended from the early 1960s

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until the end of the Cold War.

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AI for over two decades, almost
exclusively a pure research area

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of no immediate commercial interest
received as much as 80% of its

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total annual funding from arpa.

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ARPA also supported such other
important innovations as time

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sharing and computer networking.

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In 1983, with its strategic computing
initiative, DARPA led a concerted Pentagon

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effort to guide certain critical fields
of leading edge computer research,

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such as artificial intelligence,
semiconductor manufacturer, and parallel

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processing architectures in particular
directions favorable to military goals.

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The automation theory alone explains
neither the urgency, the magnitude,

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nor the specific direction of the
US military effort in computing.

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Rather than explain how contests
over the nature and potential

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of computers were resolved, the
utilitarian view writes history

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backwards using the results of those
contests to account for their origins.

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Nor does the utilitarian view
explain the pervasive military

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fascination with computers  epitomized
by  general Westmoreland's speech

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in the aftermath of Vietnam.

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"I see ", he proclaimed, "an army
built into and around an integrated

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area control system that exploits the
advanced technology of communications,

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sensors, fire direction, and the
required automatic data processing, a

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system that is sensitive to the dynamics
of the  ever changing battlefield.

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A system that materially assists
the tactical commander in making

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sound and timely decisions."

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This is the language of vision
and technological utopia,

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not practical necessity.

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It represents a dream of victory that
is bloodless for the victor of battle

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by remote control of speed, approaching
the instantaneous and of certainty

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in decision making and command.

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It is a vision of a closed world, a
chaotic and dangerous space rendered

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orderly and controllable by the
powers of rationality and technology.

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Again, that was from the Closed World
Computers and the Politics of Discourse

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in Cold War America by Paul and Edwards.

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This has been the Cache Flush.

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Thanks for listening.

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You can find the show online
at avdi.codes/cacheflush.

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And if you'd like to support this
project, you can find my Patreon

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patreon.com/avdigrimm, or get
yourself a graceful.dev membership.

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You can get two weeks free by
using the coupon code cash flush.

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Once again, thanks for listening
and don't forget to flush.

